


"No people will tamely surrender their Liberties, nor can any be easily subdued,
when knowledge is diffusd and virtue is preservd. On the Contrary, when People
are universally ignorant, and debauchd in their Manners, they will sink under
their own weight without the Aid of foreign Invaders." --Samuel Adams
"It has been asserted that the task of [journalism] is to show how events
actually happened, without imposing presuppositions and values (wertfrei,
i.e., neutral with regard to all value judgments). The [journalist's] report
should be a faithful image of the [event], an intellectual photograph, as it
were, giving a complete and unbiased description of all facts. It should
reproduce before our intellectual eye the [event] with all its features."1
Is "the news" today the kind of information produced according to the above
description? Well, maybe sometimes, but generally it's more of the reporter's
opinion of "the event" then "a complete and unbiased description of all facts".
It has been shown that there significant liberal bias in the mainstream
media today.
In support of my assertion I offer the following summary of the results of a
2008 poll by a national polling organization. It showed that 56.1
percent of Obama supporters did not know his political career was launched by
two former terrorists from the Weather Underground; that 57 percent did not know
which political party controlled congress; that 72 percent did not know Joe
Biden withdrew from a previous presidential campaign because of plagiarism in
law school; and that 87 percent thought Sarah Palin said she could "see Russia
from my house," even though that was "Saturday Night Live" comedian Tina Fey in
a parody of Palin. A more detailed analysis merely confirmed the extent of the
bias in the reporting of the political scene through 2007 and 2008.
The following is the text of an article appearing in the Wall Street Journal on
16 November 2003. The emphasis is mine.

WATCHING THE NEWS
Spot the Difference
Why are newspapers so liberal in labeling "conservatives"?
BY DAVID W. BRADY AND JONATHAN MA
Sunday, November 16, 2003 12:01 a.m. EST
The release of former CBS reporter Bernard Goldberg's book, "Bias," first
prompted our examination of the degree to which the news media deviate from
objective coverage. Mr. Goldberg wrote of how during
Bill Clinton's impeachment trial, Peter Jennings consistently labeled Republican
loyalists as "conservatives" or "very determined conservatives." Meanwhile, the
ABC News anchor did not refer to Democratic loyalists as "liberals," treating
Mr. Clinton's allies, instead, as mainstream lawmakers. So we asked
ourselves, was the media's tendency to label particular senators isolated to the
Clinton impeachment trial? Or is there a more pernicious generality? After a
study of New York Times and Washington Post articles
published between 1990 and 2002, we conclude that the problem is endemic.
We examined every Times and Post article that contained references to a senator.
Specifically, we set out to reveal the treatment of the 10 most liberal and 10
most conservative senators from each congressional session. We used the
Poole-Rosenthal ratings--developed by the University of Houston's Keith Poole to
illustrate a senator's ideological extremity--to determine which senators to
study. Using a reliable news database, we deployed a constant search term to
uncover when news writers labeled senators conservative or liberal. For five
successive congressional sessions during this time period, we documented when
Times and Post reporters directly labeled Republican loyalists "conservatives"
and Democratic loyalists "liberals" in their news stories. (We excluded
editorials.)
The first finding of our study is consistent with the results found for media
stories on institutions such as corporations, Congress or universities, namely,
that most of the time the story is straightforward--as in "Senators X, Y, and Z
visited the European Parliament." However, when there were policy issues at
stake we found that conservative senators earn "conservative" labels from Times
reporters more often than liberal senators receive "liberal" labels.
Sticky Labels
Classifications of U.S. senators as liberal or
conservative
|
New York Times
|
Washington Post |
| Congress |
% lib |
% con |
% lib |
% con |
| 102nd |
3.87 |
9.03 |
2.04 |
6.00 |
| 103rd |
3.18 |
10.80 |
2.48 |
5.40 |
| 104th |
3.08 |
8.03 |
1.90 |
5.40 |
| 105th |
5.54 |
11.95 |
2.13 |
6.28 |
| 106th |
3.71 |
12.73 |
2.28 |
5.52 |
| 107th |
4.43 |
6.67 |
3.68 |
7.21 |
For instance, during the 102nd Congress, the Times labeled liberal senators
as "liberal" in 3.87% of the stories in which they were mentioned. In contrast,
the 10 most conservative senators were identified as "conservative" in 9.03% of
the stories in which they were mentioned, nearly three times the rate for
liberal senators. Over the course of six congressional sessions, the
labeling of conservative senators in the Washington Post and New York Times
occurred at a rate of two, three, four and even five times as often as that of
liberal senators (see chart). It appears clear that the news media assume that
conservative ideology needs to be identified more often than liberal ideology
does.
The disparity in reporting was not limited to numbers. Times reporters often
inject comments that present liberals in a more favorable light than
conservatives. For instance, during the 102nd Congress, Sen. Tom Harkin of
Iowa was described in Times stories as "a kindred liberal Democrat from Iowa," a
"respected Midwestern liberal" and "a good old-fashioned liberal." Fellow
Democrat Sen. Edward M. Kennedy of Massachusetts received neutral, if not
benign, identification: "a liberal spokesman" and "the party's old-school
liberal."
In contrast, Times reporters presented conservative senators as belligerent and
extreme. During the 102nd Congress, Sen. Jesse Helms was labeled as "the most
unyielding conservative," "the
unyielding conservative Republican," "the
contentious conservative" and "the
Republican arch-conservative." During this time
period, Times reporters made a point to specifically identify Sen. Malcolm
Wallop of Wyoming and Sen. Robert C. Smith of New Hampshire as "very
conservative," and Sen. Don Nickles of Oklahoma as "one of the most
conservative elected officials in America."
We have detected a pattern of editorialized commentary throughout the decade.
Liberal senators were granted near-immunity from any disparaging remarks
regarding their ideological position: Sen. Harkin is "a liberal intellectual";
Sen. Barbara Boxer of California is "a reliably outspoken liberal"; Sen. Paul
Simon of Illinois is "a respected Midwestern liberal"; Sen. Daniel Patrick
Moynihan of New York is "difficult to categorize politically"; Sen. Kennedy is
"a liberal icon" and "liberal abortion rights stalwart"; and Sen. Frank R.
Lautenberg of New Jersey is a man whose "politics are liberal to moderate."
While references to liberal senators in the Times evoke
a brave defense of the liberal platform (key words: icon and stalwart), the
newspaper portrays conservatives as cantankerous lawmakers seeking to push their
agenda down America's throat. Descriptions of conservative senators include
"unyielding," "hard-line" and "firebrand." A taste of Times quotes on
conservatives during the period of 1990-2000: Sen. Nickles is "a fierce
conservative" and "a rock-ribbed conservative"; Sen. Helms is "perhaps the most
tenacious and quarrelsome conservative in the Senate, and with his "right-wing
isolationist ideology" he is the "best-known mischief maker." Sen. Jon Kyl of
Arizona is "a Republican hard-liner"; Sen. Smith is "a granite-hard Republican
conservative"; Sen. Gramm takes "aggressively conservative stands" and has
"touched on many red-meat conservative topics," as "the highly partisan
conservative Texan"; Sen. Sam Brownback of Kansas is "hard-core conservative,"
"considerably more conservative . . . less pragmatic," "hard-line conservative .
. . one of Newt Gingrich's foot soldiers" and "a hard-charging conservative";
Sen. Tim Hutchinson of Arkansas is "a staunch conservative"; and Sen. Larry
Craig of Idaho is "an arch-conservative."
This labeling pattern was not limited to the Times. Liberal and conservative
senators also received different treatment from the Washington Post.
Distinctly liberal senators were described as bipartisan
lawmakers and iconic leaders of a noble cause. In the 107th Congress,
Sen. Paul Sarbanes of Maryland was described as "one of the more liberal
senators but [with] a record of working with Republicans." Sen. Harkin was
bathed in bipartisan light: "a prairie populist with a generally liberal record,
although he's made a few detours to more conservative positions demanded by his
Iowa constituents." Of Carol Moseley Braun of Illinois, the Post said: "Though a
liberal at heart, she is more pragmatic than ideological." Other liberals were
lionized or cast in soft focus: "Sen. Kennedy is a hero to liberals and a major
irritant to conservatives, plus an old-style liberal appeal to conscience"; Sen.
Paul Wellstone of Minnesota "was one of the few unabashed liberals left on
Capitol Hill and an ebullient liberal"; Sen. Moynihan was "a liberal public
intellectual."
In contrast, the Post portrayed conservative senators unflatteringly.
Republican loyalists were often labeled as hostile and out
of the mainstream. In the 107th Congress, Sens. Gramm and Nickles
were dismissed as a "conservative Texan" and "conservative Oklahoman"
respectively. Post reporters regarded Sen. Smith as an "idiosyncratic
conservative," "militantly conservative" and "a conservative man in a
conservative suit from the conservative state of New Hampshire." Other
Republicans were characterized as antagonists: Sen. James Inhofe of Oklahoma is
"a hard-line GOP conservative"; Sen. Kyl is "a combative conservative"; Sen.
Helms is "a cantankerous, deeply conservative chairman," "a Clinton-bashing
conservative," "the crusty senator from North Carolina," "the longtime keeper of
the conservative flame" and "a conservative curmudgeon."
Our preliminary results for other papers--USA Today, the San Diego
Union-Tribune, the Los Angeles Times--reveal similar patterns to those described
above. The major exception is The Wall Street Journal, and even there the
labeling of conservatives to liberals is a little less than 2 to 1. The effect
of these findings on senators' re-election, fund raising and careers is little
understood, but the relationship is complicated.
However, one can conclude fairly from this survey that conservative senators,
consistently portrayed as spoilers, are ill-served by the political reporting in
two of the leading general-interest newspapers of the United States. Liberals,
on the other hand, get a free pass. If this is not bias, pray what is?
Mr. Brady is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and a
professor of political science at Stanford, where Mr. Ma is a senior in
economics.

The underlying cause of the media's bias is not apparent but there is a
significant correlation between it and the results of a poll of the information
related to our history and culture being conveyed by educators at all levels of
our schools. The Intercollegiate Studies Institute has
conducted studies of the civics literacy of students and faculty over the past
several years. In its latest study it found that when more than 14,000 freshmen
and seniors at 50 schools nationwide were given a 60-question exam more than 50
percent of freshmen and 54 percent of seniors failed the test. When a wide
spectrum of Americans were given the same test 71 percent of Americans failed
the test, with an average score of 49. Educators did not fare much better,
scoring an average of 55 percent. College grads flunked, answering 57 percent of
the questions correctly, compared to 44 percent for high school grads. Less than
24 percent of those with college degrees knew that the First Amendment prohibits
establishing an official religion for the United States. Further, only 54
percent can correctly identify the basic tenets of the free enterprise system.
Elected officials answered just 44 percent of the questions correctly.
Almost a third of elected officials could not identify "life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness" as the inalienable rights in our Declaration of
Independence.

'Nuff said? You decide. But if you'd like a chuckle on just how biased
newspapers like the New York Times and Washington Post can be in reporting (not
on the Op Ed page) news events click here.
1. Ludwig von Mises, "Human Action, A Treatise on Economics", Third Revised
Edition, pg 47.